Interview with Dr Baburam Bhattarai

There is no dispute within the party about the political line we have pursued so far

The just-concluded plenum of the UCPN (Maoist) in Palungtar was expected to provide the party with a clear future political course, which would have an impact on the ongoing peace and constitution writing process. But party leaders deferred the discussion to the Central Committee and instead agreed to formulate an ‘interim strategy’ for the next six months. Akhilesh Upadhyay and Pranab Kharel met Vice Chairman Baburam Bhattrai of the UCPN (Maoist) to solicit his views

on the party’s internal dynamics post-plenum, its relationship with India and Bhattarai’s relationship with Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

Has the party come out stronger or weaker from the plenum?

The party has come out stronger after the plenum. The party is the unity of the

opposites, and in that sense the ideological and political struggle that we call the two-line struggle has made the party stronger.

In our party’s history this was the highest form of manifestation of the two-line struggle, which took place among some 7,000 party cadres in the most democratic manner. In that sense, this democratic exercise has strengthened the party.

Could we then conclude that the chairman has grown a little bit weaker in the party?

It is not the question of somebody getting stronger or weaker. Overall, the party has grown stronger. When the party becomes strong, naturally, all the members associated with the party become stronger. We should see it that way.

As you correctly pointed out, and as we have also noticed in the media, democratic discussion was more encouraged this time. Is the party making more roads towards democratic polity or in the opposite direction as pushed by the hard-line faction? Isn’t the party in flux?

I would like to clarify that our party believes in democracy. And democracy doesn’t only mean the West Minister bourgeoisie democracy. Real democracy is for the oppressed masses. In that sense, we had passed a resolution a few years back which we termed “Development of Democracy in the 21st Century”. In that document we tried to rectify the mistakes committed by the communists in the 20th century, especially in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. We wanted to go beyond that. Our debate is in that tradition of democratic development in the 21st century. And it should be seen in a positive light. After this democratic exercise, our party is moving in the direction laid out in the proposal of democratic development in the 21st century.

As we see it from outside, none of the three factions have prevailed on the issue of the future line of the party. There may be some interim strategy, but there seems to be a struggle between all three fractions regarding the line of the party in the future. And this struggle may impact whether the party moves ahead as a united front or not.

I don’t know whether it is correct to use the term three fractions. Of course, three documents were put forward for discussion and they were debated upon. And, none of the three documents were passed. The decision of the plenum was that all three documents should be unified. By the time this interview is published the Central Committee meeting should be over and we should have taken some decisions on this issue. What we are discussing right now is some of the ideological and political issues which are of a long-term nature and which we can debate and settle through the national convention. Such things should be put forward to debate and immediate issues should be resolved by the Central Committee with an action plan worked out at least until May 28 when the term of the Constituent Assembly expires. The next six months we will have a unified action plan whereby the party will move ahead in a unified manner and some of the ideological and political issues will be debated.

There were a lot of expectations that the Palungtar plenum would resolve these contentious issues. But if anything, the plenum has only brought these issue to the fore, which is good for the party. But the party, as said earlier, is in a state of flux.

In one sense everything is in flux. But that doesn’t mean we will stay in a state of indecisiveness. We will take decisions which are important for the democratic and communist movements and the party will remain unified. And some of the ideological and political issues need to be debated, like the question of Marxism, the nature of imperialism, what the correct revolutionary line for the party should be. What should the relation between democracy and nationalism be and how should the party deal with India. These are the broader questions under discussion within the party.

If I understand you correctly, your comment in Palungtar was that there are two lines of struggle. And there seems to be a larger understanding between all the factions on the issues of peace and constitution. Do you plan to apply that in other issues as well?

To make the constitution on time and to implement the Comprehensive Peace Accord it is important to mobilise the masses. Unless there is pressure from the people, the old parliamentary forces will not go for a progressive constitution and implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Accord. In that sense, we will continue with the constitution making process and we will also go to the masses to put pressure for the timely completion of the constitution and the peace process.

Since there are differences within the party, don’t you think it will impact the peace process as they cannot be compartmentalised, the way you do so conveniently in your deliberations with the media?

No doubt what happens inside and outside will have an impact. What I would like to clarify is that there is no dispute within the party about the political line we have pursued so far. On the question of implementation, there have been questions whether we have implemented it correctly, or whether we are moving in the right direction.

Whether there will be compete socio-economic transformation in favour of the oppressed masses. But in general all agree that given the national and international situation, the basic line pursued by the party is correct. There should be no doubt on this. Some people think that the Maoists will abandon this path and go back to insurgency. However, the plenum has decided that we will pursue this path (of peace and democracy) only if the reactionary forces block this path, people will be forced to launch another movement and in that sense the party will lead the mass.

If we look back at history, the party has had very difficult relations with India or vice versa, depending on the point of view you look at it from.

And there are still a lot of differences in the way the top leadership of

the party views India. Don’t you think there is contradiction within the party?

There is debate within the Marxist movement in general regarding whether democracy or nationalism should be the principle (focus), given that neo-colonialism is prevalent today. Some people would say that a country like ours is basically dominated by external forces; therefore the national question is important. The other point of view says that since external forces come through internal reactionary forces, our fight should be directed against them—so we should give primacy to the question of democracy. As for dealing with India, we have had problems with India since the days of the Sugauli Treaty. There is no denying that. We would like to solve these problems through diplomatic and political means. We don’t want direct confrontation with India. We would like to restructure this relationship. But there is some debate on how to deal with India.

How does your policy on dealing with India differ from that of the chairman?

We are trying to develop a unified position on this. My position has been that the question of democracy is still primary in our struggle. Even after the abolition of monarchy, reminisces of feudalism remain, and the question of the oppressed mass of people—of different nationalities, regions, and genders—too remains. Unless the country is unified; we cannot fight external interference. But we seem to be arriving at an understanding. All agree that there has been interference from external powers. But there have been differences on how to deal with this. But after this plenum there has been a convergence of views that we should unify the country. Only then can we fight external domination.

How would you then define the current relationship your party has with India?

There are certainly problems with it. There is no point in hiding it. But these issues can be settled through political and diplomatic means. Only if this fails, then we will have to adopt other means, meaning we will have to mobilise the masses against external interference and domination.

We had run an editorial by The Indian Express, and the position of the Indian establishment seems to be that all the democratic forces should be put together to isolate the Maoists.

I think this is the old view. By democratic forces, they mean the old parliamentary forces. But in Nepal’s context, Maoists are the most democratic force. I think the Indian establishment has already abandoned the so called two- pillar theory. After the 12-point agreement, their position has been to promote unity among the democratic forces and fight against the feudal forces. But India is not a monolith. There are differing views within India. One section still believes that they should isolate the Maoists and promote old parliamentary parties. But that won’t work. We are the largest political party and have the most progressive agenda to transform the country and only we can maintain peace and stability in Nepal. Peace and stability in Nepal would be in favour of India. For their own enlightened interest they should promote peace, stability and democracy in Nepal.

How do you review Rakesh Sood’s ambassadorial tenure?

I would not like to comment on it. He is the representative of Government of India. And it is up to the Indian government to review his performance. What we are dealing with is the policy of the Indian ruling class and we are concerned about that.

So you are happy with his performance?

It’s not the question of being happy or unhappy. We have differences on some of

the policies of the Indian government, which we have voiced publicly. But we would like to resolve it through political and diplomatic means. In recent days there have been some misunderstandings. I think these need to be cleared. We want to have good working relations with India.

Your differences with the chairman is said to be more of a clash of personalities than ideological issues?

That is not correct. It is not about a personality clash. Both of us come from the same background. He has certain qualities.

I have certain qualities. We have been working together for almost 30 years. So

people have this feeling that there is a personality clash between us. When we differ on issues, then we need to have a democratic discussion, which will produce higher unity among us.

Should a particular ideological line prevail in the party, is there a chance of change in leadership?

I think this is not the focus of the moment. Right now we are debating certain political and ideological questions. Only the congress of the party (General Convention) will decide on the question of leadership.

There is lot of talk about the split in the party.

This is baseless. This is the thinking of the reactionary class. Our party is united.

@ekantipur

कपिलबस्तु दिवस: कतारमा दोस्रो कपिलबस्तु दिवस भब्य रुपमा सम्पन्न

३ डिसेम्बर, दोहा, कतार (हरी नेपाली): कपिलबस्तु दिवस अभियान कतार र कतारमा कार्यरत ५४ नेपाली संघसंस्थाहरुको संयुक्त आयोजनामा कतारमा आयोजित दोस्रो कपिलबस्तु दिवस-२०१० कार्यक्रम भब्य रुपमा संपन्न भएको छ । कार्यक्रमको बिस्तृत समाचार छिट्टै उपलब्ध गराइने छ । उक्त कार्यक्रममा राष्ट्रियताको भावनाले ओतप्रोत प्रस्तुत स्वागत गीत जानकारीको लागि प्रेषित ।

कपिलबस्तु दिवस अभियान कतार र कतारमा कार्यरत ५४ नेपाली संघसंस्थाहरुको संयुक्त आयोजनामा कतारमा आयोजित दोस्रो कपिलबस्तु दिवस-२०१० कार्यक्रममा शब्द चिन्तन संघद्धारा प्रस्तुत स्वागत गीत

स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् !
स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् !
उपस्थित सवैलाई स्वागतम्.....................

गोलबन्द हुदै जाऔ छरिएका नेपाली हो
छिमेकरुपी शत्रुबाट पिल्सिएको धेरै भयो

कहिले मेची मेरो भन्छ कहिले महाकाली
कपिलबस्तु गौतमबुद्ध आफ्नै भन्छ यसपाली

जहाँ जहाँबाट सक्छौ त्यही त्यहीबाट उठ
धरोहर बचाउनलाई हुनै पर्छ एकजुट

स्वागतम् ! ..............................

सवैलाई थाहा छ गौतमबुद्ध नेपाली हुन् हैनन् अरु
सत्यमाथि पर्दा लगाउन खोज्दैछन् है बैरीहरु

सबैको आवाज मिल्यो भने असत्यलाई चिर्न सक्छौ
आफ्नै धर्ती लुटिएको कुन आँखाले हेर्न सक्छौ

जाग जाग नेपाली हो अस्तित्वको लागि लडौ
काँधमा काँध मिलाएर एकैसाथ अघि बढौ

स्वागतम् !..............................

सम्मानैमा झुक्छ शिर यो अन्यायमा कहाँ झुक्छ
लाखौ कोशिश गरेपनि झुटको खेति कहाँ लुक्छ

देशले मागे हाँसी हाँसी ज्यानै दिन बानी हाम्रो
लुम्बिनी र गौतमबुद्ध यी आँखाका नानी हाम्रो

देश हाँक्ने नेताहरु रमाएनी ह्वीस्की पिउँदै
खबरदार आँखा नलाऊ नेपाली छन् अझ ज्यूँदै

स्वागतम् ! स्वागतम् ! ......................

Chinese Copper Mine In Afghanistan Threatens 2,600-Year-Old Buddhist Monastery

Daily Mail

A Chinese company digging an unexploited copper mine in Afghanistan has unearthed ancient statues of Buddha in a sprawling 2,600-year-old Buddhist monastery.

Archaeologists are rushing to salvage what they can from a major 7th century B.C. religious site along the famed Silk Road connecting Asia and the Middle East.

The ruins, including the monastery and domed shrines known as ‘stupas,’ will likely be largely destroyed once work at the mine begins.

The ruins were discovered as labourers excavated the site on behalf of the Chinese government-backed China Metallurgical Group Corp, which wants to develop the world’s second largest copper mine, lying beneath the ruins.

Historic find: Ancient Buddha statues inside a temple in Mes Aynak, south of Kabul, Afghanistan. Chinese labourers digging a copper mine made the astonishing discovery

Hanging over the situation is the memory of the Buddhas of Bamiyan — statues towering up to 180 feet high in central Afghanistan that were dynamited to the ground in 2001 by the country’s then-rulers, the Taliban, who considered them symbols of paganism.

No one wants to be blamed for similarly razing history at Mes Aynak, in the eastern province of Logar. MCC wanted to start building the mine by the end of 2011 but under an informal understanding with the Kabul government, it has given archaeologists three years for a salvage excavation.

Archaeologists working on the site since May say that won’t be enough time for full preservation.

Ancient: An Afghan archaeologist stands next to the remains feet of the Buddha statues discovered in Mes Aynak. The ruins, including the monastery and domed shrines known as ‘stupas,’ will likely be largely destroyed once work at the mine begins

The monastery complex has been dug out, revealing hallways and rooms decorated with frescoes and filled with clay and stone statues of standing and reclining Buddhas, some as high as 10 feet.

An area that was once a courtyard is dotted with stupas standing four or 5ft high.

More than 150 statues have been found so far, though many remain in place. Large ones are too heavy to be moved, and the team lacks the chemicals needed to keep small ones from disintegrating when extracted.

‘That site is so massive that it’s easily a 10-year campaign of archaeology,’ said Laura Tedesco, an archaeologist brought in by the US Embassy to work on sites in Afghanistan. ‘Three years may be enough time just to document what’s there.’

Dig: A wooden Buddha statue, estimated to be about 1,400 years old, is discovered during the excavation at the sprawling 2,600-year-old Buddhist monastery

Philippe Marquis, a French archaeologist advising the Afghans, said the salvage effort is piecemeal and ‘minimal’, held back by lack of funds and personnel.

The team hopes to lift some of the larger statues and shrines out before winter sets in this month, but they still haven’t procured the crane and other equipment needed.

Around 15 Afghan archaeologists, three French advisers and a few dozen labourers are working within the 0.77-square-mile area – a far smaller team than the two dozen archaeologists and 100 labourers normally needed for a site of such size and richness.

‘This is probably one of the most important points along the Silk Road,’ said Marquis. ‘What we have at this site, already in excavation, should be enough to fill the (Afghan) national museum.’

Deadline: Archaeologists digging at the site of the ancient ruins have three years to finish the excavations

Mes Aynak, 20 miles south of Kabul, lies in a province that is still considered a major transit route for insurgents coming from Pakistan.

In July, two US sailors were kidnapped and killed in Logar. Around 1,500 Afghan police guard the mine site and the road.

Mes Aynak’s religious sites and copper deposits have been bound together for centuries — ‘mes’ means ‘copper’ in the local Dari language.

Throughout the site’s history, artisanal miners have dug up copper to adorn statues and shrines.

Afghan archaeologists have known since the 1960s about the importance of Mes Aynak, but almost nothing had been excavated.

When the Chinese won the contract to exploit the mine in 2008, there was no discussion with Kabul about the ruins – only about money, security and building a railroad to transport the copper out of Logar’s dusty hills.

But a small band of Afghan and French archaeologists raised a stir and put the antiquities on the agenda.

The mine could be a major boost for the Afghan economy. According to the Afghan Mining Ministry, it holds some 6 million tons of copper, worth tens of billions of dollars at today’s prices. Developing the mine and related transport infrastructure will generate much needed jobs and economic activity.

Waheedullah Qaderi, a Mining Ministry official working on the antiquities issue, said MCC shares the government goal of protecting heritage while starting mining as soon as possible.

Anuradha as I know her

My Republica BY PETER J KARTHAK

I had been planning to write this story, and my pending plan rushed me when I read the weekly “Kopila” of the Kantipur daily of Sunday, November 28. In it, Suraj Kunwar writes that Ranjit Gazmer and I had opened a school called Amar Adarsha in Baneshwor, and Anuradha Koirala came to Kathmandu to join the team. This is fictional journalism, and the “kopila” readers of the weekzine can be misled.

Had the two of us operated this imagined school, I wouldn’t still be working as a copyeditor in Kathmandu and Ranjit wouldn’t have immigrated to Bombay, now Mumbai. Hence, I must write the true story. What I write herein are mostly pickings from my already previously published columns, and I add a few more points in the second part, as the true occasion for writing this particular piece warrants.

Anuradha Gurung in Darjeeling

At Mr. Amber Gurung’s Art Academy of Music in Darjeeling, there was Ajay Gurung as a member who was an excellent tabla player, second only to another member, Ranjit Gazmer. This was in the winter of 1961/62, and the other musicians were Karma and Gopal Yonzon, Sharan Pradhan, Indra Thapalia (Amber’s miitjyu), Aruna Lama, Lalit Tamang, Jitendra Bardewa, Indra Gazmer, Puru Subba, and others – including this writer.

Another Gurung was Abhay (recently departed) who shone for many years as a national footballer in India, Sikkim, Bhutan, and Nepal. In Kathmandu, he was a guru to many national kickers and dribblers and played for many clubs.

These were Anuradha’s older brothers. Since Ajay was a fellow musician at the Academy, I visited his Toong Soong cottage where Colonel and Mrs. Gurung had deposited their six or seven brats to give them a permanent moor in life and save them the military transfers their soldier father had been subject to, as the Indian Army required.

Anuradha and her younger sister were kids to us, and they had nothing to do with our serious business – music. Anuradha was a hockey schoolgirl at Loreto Convent, and we saw her in town in her school uniform, with a hockey stick. And that was that.

In Birgunj

I graduated from college in late 1966, and I had ten months to decide my future course of actions. As people of Darjeeling fled its gloomy and misty winter, an annual event, I was visited by Phurba Tshering – a member of The Hillians whom I led. He asked me to accompany him to Birgunj in Nepal to help manage a new “English medium” school. Ranjit Gazmer also joined us. Phurba had already joined the school, so we were in good hands. So off we went, traveling mostly on railway through India – Siliguri, Galgaliya, Sugauli, Barauni and then Raxaul to enter Nepal at Birgunj. The school was in a rural flatland called Itiyahi, some dusty kilometers away from Birgunj town. When we reached our destination in the evening, I saw, to my surprise, Anuradha Gurung who already was a teacher at the school. Thus began our lifelong relationship.

In our time in Nehruvian India, Vande Mataram was having its renaissance, and everything else was “phoren” and anti-nationalistic, including the proven Cambridge education system. The opposite was happening in Nepal, and the craze for modern education continues to this day, forty-four years later. Teachers from outside Nepal, including the Northeast Hills, were hot malpuwas then, as is the case even today. We worked as choice teachers at the Itiyahi Durbar School, promoted by one Badgami Sahu.

Then something happened which, in retrospection now, was fateful in our lives, especially for Anuradha and me, the two players out of seven members in our group. We two still find ourselves in Kathmandu when more than four decades have elapsed since we arrived here.

It happened this way: When our second batch of teachers arrived in Birgunj, the Nepali Rupee had devalued against the Indian Rupee by 135:100. Previously, it had stood at NRs 101 for IRs 100. Now, there was a deficit of Rs 34, and we from India would lose by 34% in our salary. The new decision was taken by Surya Bahadur Thapa, the new prime minister of Nepal.

We negotiated with Sahu Badgami. Since I had assumed leadership of the Darjeeling group of teachers, I argued with him that our salary should be paid at the new rate in Nepali Rupees as we were Indian/foreign “imports” to Nepal. Badgami would not budge. I banged the table; he banged it even louder – it was his property, after all. It was eight in the evening when the powwow failed. Ranjit and I were drawing our first salary but Anuradha and others, who had joined the school months ago, were the greater losers. So we decided to leave the school and left late at night. There were six teachers and a kid in our group, and this was a mass desertion at one go. But since Badgami stood his greedy grounds, whatever happened to the school was his responsibility.

Badgami did another unethical thing. He charged us for our lodging and food and deducted the amounts from our salary. We avenged ourselves by spending our last night in Birgunj in Badgami’s comfortable hotel, had our sumptuous dinner at his restaurant and stuffed ourselves from his department store. His staff obliged us with the credits because we were their boss’s fabled schoolteachers from Darjeeling. We left Birgunj the next morning in Yangji Sherpa Didi’s Volkswagen minibus. We met her by chance in town, and we crashed onto the empty seats. That’s how we reached Kathmandu. Anuradha was sick and threw up at many bends of the serpentine Tribhuvan Rajpath. I don’t know how her motion sickness is these days. She also had inflamed tonsils and it gave her much trouble.

It’s a long story, but suffice it to say that we still owe Yangji Didi Rs. 28 for our ride in her vehicle. She passed away some years ago, and the due is still unpaid.

My brief memories of Birgunj are both sad and happy. I lost my beloved Bowie knife while leaving the school at night. The happy memories are of bagedi snacks downed with dudhiya in town. One special occasion was a concert held by Gopal Yonzon and Dil Maya Khati in Birgunj, and Ranjit, Phurba and I helped the musical evening with our own songs and instrumental backup.

In Kathmandu

That’s what fate is all about, I think. The devaluation was one thing, but what it caused to us is unexplainable. We were right, and Badgami was wrong; but he wasn’t responsible for what happened, either: It wasn’t in the agreement, or was there such a clause for an unforeseen turn of events? Nobody was wrong, or right, either. What Surya Bahadur Thapa’s decision caused is beyond even Kafka’s post-modernism.

There was another hitch in our journey to Kathmandu. We soon found out that except for Anuradha and me, everybody was flat broke. Why? We had lived in Nehru’s India where he stifled and asphyxiated and atrophied the Indians’ dreams. So when our other members saw Badgami’s department store laden with Max Factor makeup kits, Kirin and Sapporo beer from Japan and British and American cigarette brands, they overspent and drew credits beyond their means. Badgami duly exacted the arrears from their salaries before we left his school, and we found ourselves in dire straits in Kathmandu. I had Rs 700 and Anuradha perhaps Rs. 1,000. With that, we began our lives in this senile, strange, unfriendly, suspicious and crumbling city – its Hanuman Dhoka complex slanted all over to match the drugged swaying of Hippies all along the nearby Jhhochhen, better known as the Freak Street.

First, we welcomed ourselves to Renchin’s flat at Fasikew near Ranjana Cinema. “Baby” Renchin – the future Mrs. Gopal Yonzon – hosted the seven of us for three days and nights.

Then, as fate would have it, we met two strangers of our own age. Shambhu Poudel – now a big shot of Kathmandu – and his friend Rimal showed us an apartment in Dilli Bazaar, and the seven of us lived in it. The terrace was our kitchen. Phurba and I got jobs at the newly planned Casino Nepal as trainees while Anuradha, Ranjit and we were taken in as teachers by Basant Bahadur Shrestha at his New Model English School at Baneshwor. Soon, Anuradha lived at the school hostel as housemother; this led to her becoming Mrs. Koirala later, and the seeds of Maiti Nepal were sown during this time. Ranjit became Amber Gurung’s assistant at the Royal Nepal Academy. Phurba and I were confirmed croupiers at the casino and we relocated to Basantpur. I stopped teaching and joined Tribhuvan University for my Masters in English while Ranjit, Phurba and I became hotshot studio musicians at Radio Nepal. These are the gist of the adjustments we made for ourselves in the silly city called Kathmandu.

Why didn’t we give up in Birgunj itself and go back to where we came from, eh? Well, I, for one, wouldn’t go back after merely two months of my misadventure there. Badgami Sahu and Surya Bahadur Thapa had composed our battle cry: “Kathmandu, or bust!” Also, as a reverse Lahurey, I wouldn’t go back without money, materials and medals. Eventually, five of the original group left Kathmandu anyway, and only Anuradha and I remain in Kathmandu today. But, even at best, we’re irredents here, our native lands being overtaken by others; and as reverse migrants, Kathmandu has been our new Muglan.

Maiti, a dreadful word in Nepal

Hereupon, I have my new observations which I didn’t make before. But these thoughts find their rightful place in this concluding part of my heartfelt write-up.

I’ve never been to Maiti Nepal at Til Ganga. The Nepali word “maiti” scares me in this story’s connotation, and I’ve never had the guts to see how Anuradha was doing there. I have my own distressful reasons for this:

Firstly, the word “Maiti” has the prefixes of “ma” and “mai,” the former denoting mother and the other meaning mother goddess. Maiti is the parental house of a “cheli,” the female of the family. But in the name of the mother and daughters, the family is dominated by males, the father and his sons, who marry off their young females as soon as possible. The only psychologically reassuring recourse being, if abused by her husband, a cheli can always look back to her maiti for rightful action and justice on her behalf. But the truth lies somewhere far away: Once the cheli is married off, she’s left to her own device. “Look, you’re no more ours; so fend for yourself, la?”

This, among other causes, births Anuradha’s Maiti Nepal, as a shameful reminder to Nepali males of their impotence and inadequacy.

Secondly, Nepal and the Nepali world outside it are rare on the Earth for having males who are internationally known as brave, unselfish, chivalrous and valorous. As the snow leopards of the Himalaya, the Sherpas have carried climbers to the summits of Mount Everest and other tallest peaks of the world. The dreaded Gurkhas/Gorkhas, belonging to some six martial ethnic Nepali nationalities, need no further mention except uttering their common identity makes the enemy wobble and wet his pants. The Newars are renowned for their indomitable trans-Himalayan and risky cross-Terai commerce and industries while their fellowmen at home built the classical durbar squares of the Kathmandu Valley and spread their architectural marvels all over Asia.

What’s gone wrong, then? Well, these are unsung heroes in their own lands, for one thing. Moreover, the enemies are within who sell, smuggle and traffic their own neighbors’ girls, if not their own. Abuse is aplenty in the Nepali society. Otherwise, why would Samrat Upadhyay describe in his short story the fellatio administered by the daughter-in-law to her father-in-law? Manjushree Thapa’s novel mentions its female character being once raped by her paternal uncle, yet she visits him every Dashain to receive his tika.

What ironies on Nepali males who so effortlessly victimize their own helpless, weaker and silent lambs? Over and above, Nepali men can’t even look after their women, much less protect their virtues.

That’s why Maiti Nepal is a half-house for despair to be turned into hope, victims near death to be nurtured to survival, the doomed to be given assurance, desperate to receive rehabilitation and resolve, helping sufferers to regain their loss of minds and means.

It was not easy for Anuradha, especially when external interferences were also imposed on her operations. An example is the “accountant” wife of a British envoy who wanted to supervise the funds received from Prince Charles who sold some of his paintings to raise money specifically earmarked for Maiti Nepal. Anuradha refused to accept the unnecessary precondition, and the other party had to eventually give in. She also refused funds from some international organizations because of their fiduciary stipulations, and again she was victorious when the peace pipe was offered from the other sides.

Vote of thanks

That’s all on Anuradha because she and Maiti Nepal have now become world news. Except to say, she’s always Anuradha Gurung to me, and shall remain so. Perhaps a compromise would be Anuradha Gurung Koirala, and that would be ideal. She and I need to retain our ethnic tribal identities, to say the least.

Wikipedia has this on Anuradha: “In Hinduism, Anuradha is a goddess of good luck (Adrusta Devatha). Anuradha is the 17th nakshatra.”

Well, Maiti Nepal’s Anuradha has now become the First Sun Goddess for the ill-fated and destitute girls and women of Nepal.

In conclusion, while I say “Syabash! Kya Tarakki!!” to Anuradha Gurung Koirala, I also bow my head to the other nine CNN Heroes of 2010: Guadalupe Arizpe De La Vega of Juarez, Mexico; Susan Burton of California, USA; Linda Fondren of Mississippi, USA;

Narayanan Krishnan of Madurai, India; Magnus MacFarlane-Barrow of Scotland, UK; Harmon Parker of Kenya, Africa; Aki Ra of Cambodia; Evans Wadongo of Kenya, Africa; and Dan Wallrath of Texas, USA.

And grateful thanks to Mr. Anderson Cooper, and CNN, too!

कपिलबस्तु दिवस: यूकेमा दोस्रो कपिलबस्तु दिवस संपन्न

सो एशिया रेस्टुरेन्ट, स्लाउ, लण्डन २७ नोभेम्बर :

जहाँ छन बुद्धका आँखा स्निग्ध शान्त र सुन्दर

त्यहाँ छ शान्तिको क्षेत्र मेरो राष्ट्र मनोहर

प्राणभन्दा प्यारो लाग्छ मेरो देश कता कता

झल्किन्छ ममता मेरो भाव गंगा जताजता

...................................................

एउटा भेलामा अनायास यो गीत गुन्जन थाल्छ मीठो महिला स्वरमा र उपस्थित सबै अनपेक्षित तवरबाट अनायाश गाइएको मीठो गीतले पहिला आस्चर्य चकित र त्यसपछि मन्त्रमुग्ध हुन्छन, तर यो कुनै गीति कार्यक्रम भने थिएन । यो त थियो वेलायतमा दोस्रो कपिलबस्तु दिवस कार्यक्रम मनाउन शुरु गर्न भूमिकाको रुपमा शिक्षिका, गायिका र लेखिकाको रुपमा चिनिनु भएकी कार्यक्रम उदघोषिका सोफिया थापाले गाउनु भएको गीत । गीतपस्चात कार्यक्रमको भूमिका र आसन ग्रहण, दीप प्रज्वलन र राष्ट्रिय गानपछि कपिलबस्तु दिवस अभियान यूके राष्ट्रिय समितिका बिकल आचार्यले राष्ट्रियताको भावनाले ओतप्रोत कबिताबाट स्वागत भाषण शुरु गर्दै देशको इतिहास र सत्यता जोगाउन यो अभियानलाई सबैले साथ दिनु पर्ने कुरामा जोड दिनु भयो ।

कपिलबस्तु दिवस अभियानका बिस्व संयोजक रामकुमार श्रेष्ठले भारतले नक्कली लुम्बिनी सन २०१२ सम्ममा संपन्न गर्ने किसिमले अधिकांश प्राय: काम सकाइसक्ता पनि कतैबाट पनि संस्थागत रुपमा यस्का बिरुद्ध आबाज नउठाइएको कारण अभियानको शुरुवात गरिनु पर्ने अवस्था सिर्जना भएको बताउँदै बिस्व कार्य समितिपछि हालसम्म स्पेन, बेल्जियम, यूके, क्यानडा र न्युजिल्याण्डमा राष्ट्रिय समिति गठन भैसकेको र कतिपय देशमा राष्ट्रिय समिति गठनका लागि तयारी भैरहेको जानकारी दिनु भयो । भावना भएको खण्डमा जसरी पनि अभियानलाई सहयोग गर्न सकिने बताउँदै आफूले आफ्नोभिजिटिङ कार्डमा Nepal - the country of the Mt Everest and the Buddha भनेर लेखेको र एउटा पत्रिकाले ब्लग हेडमा Buddha was born In Nepal - Let's join Kapilvastu Day लेखेपछि यस्लाई समाचार बनाएर संचारकर्मीहरु बीच लैजाने कामका कारण अहिले त्यसरी लेख्ने पत्रिका र ब्लगको संख्या करीब एक दर्जन पुगी सकेको बताउँदै यस्ले पनि केही न केही हदसम्म यस किसिमको समस्या समाधानमा प्रत्यक्ष परोक्ष सहयोग पुर्याउने बताउनु भयो । यो अभियानले उठाएको मुद्धा निर्बिबाद बिषय भएकोले संपूर्ण नेपाली पुर्खाले राखेको एतिहासिक गौरबलाई निरन्तरता दिंदै देशको ईतिहास र सत्यता जोगाउन एक ढिक्का भएर लाग्नु पर्ने कुरामा जोड दिनु भयो । आस्थाका आधारमा कसैले बुद्धलाई मेरो अथवा हाम्रो भन्छ भने बुद्ध सर्ब स्वीकार्य महा मानब भएकोले त्यस्मा आपत्ति नहुने, तर बुद्ध जन्मिनु हुँदा नेपाल तथा भारत कुनै पनि देश नभएको तर संपूर्ण प्रमाणका आधारमा बुद्ध जन्मिनु भएको स्थान नेपालमा पर्ने प्रमाणित भैसकेकोले नक्कली लुम्बिनी बनाएर बिस्वलाई दिग्भ्रमित गरिने कार्यमा भने मौन बस्न नहुने प्रस्ट पार्नु भयो । उहाँले बिभिन्न देशमा कार्यरत कुटनितिज्ञहरुले यस अभियानलाई सघाउ पुग्ने किसिमले गरिराख्नु भएको फेहरिस्त पेश गर्दै नेपाली बीच बिद्धत ब्यक्तित्वको रुपमा परिचित महामहिम राजदूतलाई आफ्नोकार्यकाल सकाएर नेपाल फर्कनु अघि सबै नेपालीले संधै सझिराख्ने किसिमले यसकिसिमका राष्ट्रिय स्वाभिमान कायम गर्ने कार्यक्रमलाई उपयुक्त सुझाब दिन र सहयोग र सहकार्य मार्फत हौसला र उत्प्रेरणा दिन पनि आग्रह गर्नु भयो ।

बीसीसी यूकेका अध्यक्ष काजी शेर्पाले यूकेमा बुद्धिस्टहरुको फेहरिस्त पेश गर्दै दलाई लामा वेलायत आउनु भएको बेलामा नेपाल बुद्धको देशको भएको कारण नेपालीलाई धेरै समय दिएको बताउनु हुँदै बुद्ध सबैको साझा हो भन्ने सन्देश दिनु पर्ने बताउनु भयो । बुद्ध धर्मका बिद्धान धर्म भक्त शाक्यले कपिलबस्तुको महत्व तथा बुद्धको जीवनीबारे प्रकाश पार्नु भयो । प्रगतिशील नेपाली समाज यूकेका प्रकाश शर्माले भारतीय हेपाहा प्रब्रितिका कारण नेपाल कहिल्यै अगाडि बढन नसकेको बताउनु हुँदै नेपालीहरुमा समेत यस किसिमका अभियान र गतिबिधिलाई प्राथमिकता नदिने प्रब्रिति अधिक रहेको गुनासो गर्नु भयो ।

तमुधी र एनआरएनए यूकेका पूर्व अध्यक्ष डम्बर घलेले हरेक कार्यक्रममा आफ्ना प्रस्तुतिहरुमा बुद्ध र सगरमाथालाई जोड दिने गरेको उल्लेख गर्नु हुँदै हाम्रो ईतिहास र अस्तित्वसंग संबन्धित संबेदनशील कुरा भएको र हामीसंग प्रमाण भएको कारण संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ जस्ता आधिकारिक संस्था मार्फत यो मुद्धालाईलैजाने हो कि भन्ने धारणा राख्नु भयो ।

अभियानका सल्लाहकार तथा बिमोचन गरिने पुस्तक “महाभिनिष्क्रमणका अस्वीकृत पाइला” कालेखक प्रा. डा. कविताराम श्रेष्ठले पुस्तकबारे प्रकाश पार्दै बुद्धलाई बुद्ध बनाउने परिस्थिति करीब २६०० बर्ष पहिला के थियो भन्ने कुरामाथि प्रकाश पार्नु भयो । पर्यटकहरु भारतबाट ल्याइएर नेपाल घुमाउँदै भारत फर्काइंदा समेत नेपाल पसेको थाहा नै दिइन्न भने नेपालमा समेत त्यस किसिमको जानकारी दिन सकिने निम्नतम कुराहरुको समेत ब्यबस्था नगरिएको उल्लेख गर्नु भयो । भारतको रवैयाप्रति सरकार, एनआरएन सबै सकारात्मक हुँदाहुँदै पनि सबै मौन रहन आबस्यक नभएको बताउँदै बिबाद ननिम्तिने किसिमले बुद्ध नेपालको भन्ने सन्देश दिन कुनै समस्या नपर्ने बताउनु भयो । बटन रसेल तथा महान बैज्ञानिक आइन्स्टाइन समेत बुद्ध धर्मका प्रसंशक भएको चर्चा गर्दै यो धर्म अत्यन्तै बैज्ञानिक धर्म भएको चर्चा गर्नु भयो ।

एनआरएनए यूकेका अध्यक्ष सूर्य गुरुङ्ले हामीसंग इतिहास र प्रमाण हुँदाहुँदै पनि बिस्वका अधिकांश ब्यक्तिहरुले बुद्ध भारतमा जन्मेको भन्ने बातावरण सह्य हुन नसक्ने बताउनु हुँदै लुम्बिनीलाई बुद्धिस्टहरुको राजधानी बनाउन पहल गरिनु पर्ने कुरामा जोड दिनु भयो । त्यसरी नै सबैले शान्ति चाहिरहेको बर्तमान अवस्थामा बुद्धलाई बिस्वब्यापी रुपमा चिनाउन अरु थप प्रयास गरिनु पर्ने बताउनु भयो ।

कार्यक्रमका प्रमुख अतिथि महामहिम राजदूत डा सुरेश चन्द्र चालिसेले ईतिहास तोडने मोडने प्रब्रिति पुरानो भएको र बलियाले त्यस्लाई आफ्नो पक्षमा पार्ने परंपराकै परिणति बर्तमान लुम्बिनीको प्रश्न रहेको बताउनु हुँदै यो अभियान यस्को धरोहर भएको बताउनु भयो । र साधन, श्रोत र आफ्नो शक्तिले भ्याएसम्म यो अभियानलाई सहयोग गर्ने प्रतिबद्धता जाहेर गर्नु भयो । आफू प्रधानमन्त्रीको सल्लाहकार रहेको बेलामा श्रीलंकाको रास्ट्रपति राजपक्ष नेपाल भ्रमणमा आउनु हुँदा सबभन्दा पहिला लुम्बिनीको भ्रमण गरेपछि मात्र अन्य कुरा गर्ने कुरा बताउनुले उनीहरुको बुद्धप्रतिको अगाध आस्था प्रतिबिम्बित गर्नेबताउनु भयो । उहाँले लुम्बिनीलाई अन्तरास्ट्रिय सांस्कृतिक डेस्टिनी बनाइनु पर्ने कुरामा जोड दिंदै रामदेव लण्डन आएको बेलामा उन्लाई भेटदा आफूलाई सबैको सामू बुद्धको देशको मान्छे भनी चिनाएको प्रसंग जोडनु भयो । अन्तरास्ट्रिय जनमतलाई आफ्नो पक्षमा पार्न दलाई लामा जस्ता ब्यक्तित्वलाई लुम्बिनी नेपालको हो भन्न लगाउने मात्र हो भने पनि त्यस्ले ठूलो प्रभाब पार्नेतर्फ पनि ध्यान दिइनुपर्ने बताउनु हुँदै सकेसम्म त्यसतर्फ पनि केही गर्न सल्लाह दिनु भयो । यसरी बिदेशमा नेपालीहरु देशप्रति अत्यन्तै सचेत र चिन्तित भएकोमा आफू गौरवान्वित भएको बताउनु हुँदै निस्वार्थ रुपमा देशको ईतिहास सुरक्षित गर्न लागि पर्नेहरु प्रसंशाका पात्र भएको बताउनु भयो ।

कपिलबस्तु दिवस अभियान यूके राष्ट्रिय संयोजक सुरेन्द्र श्रेष्ठको सभापतित्वमा भएको उक्त कार्यक्रमको समापन गर्ने क्रममा आफ्नै देशमा जन्मेको बुद्धलाई नेपालमा जन्मेको भनेर देखाउन यसरी अभियान नै शुरु गर्नु पर्ने बिडम्बना भएको बताउनु हुंदै भबिस्यमा यो अभियानलाई टुङोमा पुर्याउन सबैको सक्दो सहयोग आबस्यक पर्ने बताउनु भयो । र कार्यक्रममा जम्मा भएको २३५ पाउण्ड बिस्व संयोजक रामकुमार श्रेष्ठलाई हस्तान्तरण गर्नु भयो ।

उक्त कार्यक्रममा नक्कली लुम्बिनीसम्बन्धी संबेदनशील भिडिओ प्रदर्शन गरिएको थियो भने प्रा.डा. कविताराम श्रेष्ठद्वारा लिखित “महाभिनिष्क्रमणका अस्वीकृत पाइला” नामक बुद्धको जीवनीमा आधारित अनुसन्धानात्मक उपन्यासको महामहिम राजदूतबाट बिमोचन गरिनुका साथै अभियानको इ-स्मारिका महामहिम राजदूतद्धारा रिलिज गराइयो । त्यसरी नै अभियानको पुस्तिका दूताबासको भिसा शाखामा भिसा तथा अन्य प्रायोजनको लागि आउने बिदेशीको जानकारीको लागि राखिदिनको लागि अभियानका विस्व संयोजक रामकुमार श्रेष्ठले महामहिम राजदूतलाई हस्तान्तरण गर्नु भयो ।

स्मरण रहोस गत बर्षदेखि कपिलबस्तु दिवस बिस्व दिवसको रुपमा मनाउन शुरु गरिएको हो प्रत्येक डिसेम्बर १ लाई र आ-आफ्नो स्थानीय परिस्थिति अनुरुप सो दिनको आसपासको दिनलाई कपिलबस्तु दिवस मनाउने गरिएको छ ।

उपस्थित सहभागीहरुलाई नेपालमा बनेको "टप टि" होम पारीबागले र खाना सो एशिया स्लाउले नि:शुल्क उपलब्ध गराएका थिए ।

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